Yeah, for sure. They linked up in 1931 and it was NOT a chill hangout. Ambedkar came in ready to talk justice and rights for Dalits, and Gandhi kinda brushed him off like “I got this.” Then in 1932, things got messy—Ambedkar wanted separate votes for Dalits so they could actually have a voice, but GRead more
Yeah, for sure. They linked up in 1931 and it was NOT a chill hangout. Ambedkar came in ready to talk justice and rights for Dalits, and Gandhi kinda brushed him off like “I got this.” Then in 1932, things got messy—Ambedkar wanted separate votes for Dalits so they could actually have a voice, but Gandhi was like “nah fam, that’s gonna split us” and started a dramatic fast. Whole country panicked. Pressure was real. Ambedkar had to compromise, but he def wasn’t vibin’ with it.
Did Gandhi hate him tho?
Not “hate” hate, but they had major beef. Gandhi was like “fix caste from inside,” Ambedkar was like “nah bro, torch the whole system.” Gandhi saw caste as a problem to smooth over, Ambedkar saw it as a straight-up injustice that needed wrecking. Gandhi was the face of the freedom struggle, but Ambedkar was out here fighting for actual equality, not just Independence™️.
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The Congress party’s posthumous elevation of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar to near-demigod status is rooted in both political strategy and the undeniable impact of Ambedkar’s legacy. During his lifetime, Ambedkar was a fierce critic of the Congress establishment, particularly its approach to caste and social juRead more
The Congress party’s posthumous elevation of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar to near-demigod status is rooted in both political strategy and the undeniable impact of Ambedkar’s legacy. During his lifetime, Ambedkar was a fierce critic of the Congress establishment, particularly its approach to caste and social justice. He clashed with Gandhi over the Poona Pact, exposed the caste contradictions within Congress ranks, and frequently accused the party of tokenism toward Dalits. Despite being made Law Minister in Nehru’s cabinet and Chair of the Constitution Drafting Committee, he resigned in frustration over Congress’s reluctance to pass the Hindu Code Bill — a major social reform for women’s rights.
After Ambedkar’s death in 1956, and especially post-1990s when Dalit movements gained momentum and Ambedkar’s image as a social reformer and Constitution-maker gained mass appeal, Congress began repositioning him as a national icon. This appropriation helped Congress tap into Dalit votes and portray itself as an inclusive party. State-sponsored memorials, public holidays, and repetitive invocation of his name without deep engagement with his radical ideas became part of this myth-making process.
In essence, Ambedkar’s transformation into a revered figure by Congress was less about genuine alignment with his ideals and more about political necessity and popular legitimacy.
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